We describe three processed fossilized bones of sea mammals of the Miocene age, discovered in various years, but in similar stratigraphic and planigraphic contexts, at the Early Paleolithic site Bogatyri/Sinyaya Balka, on the northern coast of the Taman Peninsula. We provide information on the age, stratigraphy, and planigraphy of the site, interpreted as a place for butchering carcasses of elephants and rhinoceroses (elasmotheres). Results of traceological analysis suggest that two fossilized seal bones had been split by the counterstrike technique on soft (wooden or bone) anvils, while the third bone had been more thoroughly processed. All three specimens may have been collected from coastal deposits. Fossilized seal bones were evidently used as raw material along with rocks and animal bones of the Taman faunal complex. Small and inconvenient as they are, such bones provided the hardest isotropic material available at the site. That their use was not incidental is convincingly demonstrated by artifact No. 1, found in 2005. The point made on this bone is situated in the middle of an intentionally prepared blade, in a notch fashioned by shallow retouch. This bone tool is quite similar to other points in the Early Paleolithic industry of Bogatyri/Sinyaya Balka. Tools of that category differ in shape and size, but are similar because of a special morphological element— a point (bec, borer, etc.) shaped by a combination of retouch and small encoches at any suitable place in the blank such as jointing or spall.

We explore the environments of the Sibiryachikha Neanderthals, who had migrated to the Altai at the end of MIS 4. Given that the territory was already populated by Denisovans, the key question is whether the choice of habitat was random (i.e., the immigrants occupied vacant ecological niches) or motivated by other factors. On the basis of published results relating to the study of small-mammal fauna and pollen analysis, the environments of Chagyrskaya and Okladnikov Caves during the Neanderthal habitation are reconstructed. Species of small mammals are viewed as biome members. To reconstruct the episodic transfer of mammalian remains between stratigraphic units, we used ordination statistics and compared the results with those of micromorphological and stratigraphic analyses of Chagyrskaya Cave. It was found that late Neanderthals of the Altai lived in similar environments, dominated by steppe and forest steppe landscapes. The choice of caves for habitation depended on several factors, the key ones being the availability of game and high-quality raw material for manufacturing tools. On the basis of the statistical analysis of small-mammal fauna and the stratigraphic and micromorphological analyses, we conclude that post-sedimentation processes in caves can include vertical transfer of animal remains, affecting environmental reconstructions.

This article is devoted to the preliminary results of multidisciplinary studies at Komudvany—a site located within a “mammoth cemetery” in the Lower Ob basin. We present the excavation history, geomorphological characteristics, results of radiocarbon analysis, and descriptions of archaeological and faunal remains. According to geological and geomorphological criteria, three parts of the site are distinguished: the terrace, the promontory, and the fl oodplain. The radiocarbon analyses of bones show the chronological heterogeneity of fl oodplain fi nds. Finds from the promontory and the terrace most likely represent a single episode of habitation and butchering or collecting bones and tusks. The mammoth “cemetery” was dated to 20–12 cal ka BP. At least one episode of habitation and human activities has been registered and dated to 15–14 cal ka BP. Archaeological fi nds and series of radiocarbon dates suggest the attribution of Komudvany to the Final Paleolithic. It is the northernmost site of that period in the West Siberian Plain and, along with Lugovskoye, is a reference object for studying the early human habitation in the northern regions of Asia.

This study focuses on the geography of the Mesolithic cultures of the eastern Caucasus and the current approaches to this topic. In the 1970s, the Caucasian Mesolithic was considered an amalgam of several archaeological cultures evolving in parallel. In the eastern part of that region, two archaeological cultures were described: Chokh and Trialeti. While no one questioned their marked specifi city vis-à-vis the cultures of western Caucasus, the similarities and differences between them have not been specifi cally addressed. In the 1990s, S.K. Kozłowski proposed merging Chokh and Trialeti with other Mesolithic cultures of the northern Zagros, Anatolia, the western Caucasus, the Crimea, the southern and eastern Caspian, and possibly the Central Iranian Plateau, into a single industry, which he termed “Trialetien”. This idea was based on approaches different from those used in establishing archaeological cultures. Therefore, the notion of the Trialetien was likewise novel. I believe that the former typological criteria underlying the typology of the southern part of the circum-Caspian area (Chokh, Trialeti, Balakhan) are still valid. Likewise plausible is the idea that in addition to the cultures mentioned above, the Southern Caspian archaeological culture must be established. All those local units, including Trialeti (in the traditional sense), are a group of related cultures, which I previously included in the “Southern Caspian Mesolithic area”.

The search for a Mongolian era cemetery at Ust-Aleika, Kalmansky District, Altai Territory, in 1982 revealed a Neolithic child burial, which was excavated. The funerary items included over 300 artifacts made of organic and inorganic materials, among them more than a hundred pendants made from fossil Pleistocene shells of Unio mollusks, which do not occur in the Ob basin at present. These thick-walled shells had been procured from the Kalistratikha I exposure on the left bank of the Ob. The pendants had been made according to a hitherto unknown technique: they are irregularly ellipsoid with segment-shaped longitudinal and transverse sections. The thickness of the shells allowed the artisans to use relief, which is diffi cult or impossible with shells of modern bivalves from the Upper Ob basin. Burial 2 at Ust-Aleika-2 dates to the middle or late 4th millennium BC. It belongs to the same cultural and chronological group as burials 1 and 5–9 at Solontsy-5, and a double burial at Bolshoi Mys (Itkul), excavated by V.I. Molodin in 1976.

This article discusses difficulties in the use of Japanese archaeological terminology, especially with regard to the Jōmon period. The history of the notions of “style”, “type”, and “form” is outlined, which are the most adequate concepts for the interpretation, classification, and description of new styles of the Jōmon pottery. The evolution of the terms is traced using the works by Yamanouchi Sugao and Kobayashi Tatsuo. Their basic views on the typology of Jōmon artifacts and the notions behind the key terms are described.

We present the results of a multidisciplinary study of an Andronovo (Fedorovka) cemetery, Pogorelka-2, situated east of the Irtysh. Three burial mounds are described in detail, and elements of the funerary rite are outlined. All the mounds were constructed according to a single plan, characterized by a spatial separation of the burial platform, whereby one or several burials are surrounded by depressions in the ground. In two kurgans, these are four ditches with slightly sloping outer walls and steep inner ones. These ditches surround subsquare platforms with burials in the center. In the third kurgan, instead of ditches, there are small elongated pits. All the burials at Pogorelka-2 are cremations, as is typical of the Andronovo (Fedorovka) cemeteries in Baraba. On each burial platform, 1–3 burials were situated. Ceramics and other grave goods are described. Despite some specific features, they are typical of the Andronovo tradition. The cemetery belongs to the eastern part of the Andronovo (Fedorovka) distribution area. The analysis of funerary practices and goods reveals no contacts with the aboriginal Late Krotovo population.

This article presents the results of a multidisciplinary study of stone tools (discoid mace-head, adze, and axe) found on an island in Berd Bay, Novosibirsk Reservoir. Trace analysis suggests that the mace-head is made of fragile sandstone, precluding its use as a striking weapon. Therefore, it was likely a ceremonial weapon. The adze and the axe are also made of a local rock—shale. The specimens resemble prestigious weapons of the Early and Middle Bronze Age from the forest-steppe zone of southwestern Siberia. Discoid mace-heads, like globular ones, are typical of the Middle Bronze Age. Importantly, all the specimens were found where the submerged Fort Berdsk was possibly situated. Early artifacts have also been found near other Siberian forts such as Tomsk, Umrevinsky, and Sayansk, suggesting that these were built at places with a long history of habitation.

This article examines metal celts accidentally found 2 km west of Kurma on the Little Sea coast of Lake Baikal, in the foothills of Primorsky Ridge, Olkhonsky District, Irkutsk Region. Detailed information is provided on the conditions in which they were found and aspects of their technology, form, and decoration. The specimens have no eyelets, are rectangular in cross-section, and were cast in bivalve molds. They differ in size and decoration. On their wide sides, there are holes for supports inserted into the mold halves. While no exact parallels to the celts are known, several chronological indicators (body shape, socket cross-section, absence of eyelets, and decoration) point to the Scythian-Tagar stage. The most similar specimens are the Krasnoyarsk-Angara type of celt, distributed over the taiga belt from the Yenisei to the Angara. X-ray spectrometric analysis suggests that the celts were made of “pure” copper. In the Olkhon area, the Scythian-Tagar celts are associated with the Slab Grave culture, dating to 2778–1998 cal BP.

We introduce recently discovered large kurgans of the Saka period in the Suusamyr valley, northern Kyrgyzstan. There are two cemeteries with large mounds, each of which is surrounded by ditches, stone enclosures, and ramparts. Apparently, each kurgan and the constructions around it form a whole burial complex. The kurgans are rounded in plan view, 30–73 m in diameter. Some were possibly square in plan view. West of them, there is a line of enclosures, most of which consist of eight boulders. In terms of nature and form of the constructions around kurgans, the burial complexes fall into six types, each of which is described in detail. Parallels are found among Early Iron Age cemeteries in the Tian Shan, Semirechye, central and eastern Kazakhstan. Common and distinctive features of the Suusamyr group are listed. On the basis of the comparative analysis, the group dates to 800/700–200 BC. We conclude that the kurgans were destined for the Saka elite, and were constructed over several generations. The materials of the study allow us to state that the alpine Suusamyr valley, which is hard to access, was a key political and/or cult center of the Tian Shan in the Saka period.

An attempt is made to classify, analyze, and interpret female burials with weapons in the graves of early nomads in the Southern Urals, dating to late 5th–2nd centuries BC. In the Early Iron Age, this vast region was a center of the nomadic elite. The sample includes 23 graves with 24 buried individuals at well documented cemeteries. Only individuals for whom skeletal sex indicators are available have been included. Criteria and opinions are revised. Weapons in female burials include mostly quiver sets; whereas daggers, swords, and spearheads are rare. The placement of weapons was the same as in male burials: bladed weapons were placed on the right side, with hilts directed to the right hand, whereas quivers were found mostly on the left side. The remaining funerary items were exactly like in other female burials: there were numerous ornaments, bronze mirrors, spindle whorls, and stone altars. Female burials with weapons were found in kurgans regardless of social status. Apparently, those women represented all social strata, from elite to low-ranking nomads. Nothing indicates the existence of female military units, which, however, does not imply that women took no part in armed confl icts or did not use weapons to protect themselves and their homes.

We assessed the chemical composition of more than 40 fragments of glass vessels from the Roman Period cemeteries in the Crimean piedmont— Druzhnoe, Neyzats, and Opushki, using X-ray spectral microanalysis. The results suggest that the glass from all the cemeteries belonged to the soda-lime-silica group, based on natural soda. The samples fall in glass groups “Levantine I”, “HIMT”, and “Roman glass”, typical of central and peripheral Roman manufacture in 0–500 AD. Most vessels are made of glass with a high content of iron, manganese, and titanium, as in the HIMT group, most common in Europe since 300 AD. The likely workshops are those in the Syro-Palestinian area, northern Egypt, and Sinai, pointing to contacts of the northern Pontic with other parts of the Greco-Roman world. The composition of glass from all the three cemeteries is the same, suggesting that the sub-mountainous Crimea imported glassware from the same workshops.

This stud y focuses on details of clothing, belonging to the Iyus hoard, incidentally found in Khakassia in the 1970s. As in most other hoards from southwestern Siberia, this one includes elements of belt sets—buckles, plaques, pendants, and rings, paralleled by similar artifacts associated with the Tes culture of the 2nd century BC to 2nd century AD. The context of the ornaments is described, and the assembly and ritual use of belt sets are reconstructed. The composition of the Iyus hoard mirrors the process of a new Xiongnu clothing tradition being adopted by native south Siberians in their ritual and everyday practices. The “Scythian” component of the Iyus hoard is represented by rarities—ancient artifacts worn by natives in later times, and by replicas of ancient ornaments, whereas the “Xiongnu” component was more adaptive and includes items commonly used in everyday life. The co-occurrence of “Scythian” and “Xiongnu” artifacts within the same ritual assemblage testifies to the symbolic use of belt sets, evidenced by mid-1st millennium BC sites in southern Siberia.

This article presents the results of a comprehensive study of two unusual large wooden statues with anthropomorphic faces. They were excavated from the Ust-Voikary stratified site, in the southwestern Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug. The site dwellers were native Siberians (Ugro-Samoyeds), who lived there from the Middle Ages to the recent centuries. This is one of the few sites in the region with frozen habitation deposits. The statues are unique in terms of attribution, size, preservation, and integrity of archaeological context. They were part of dwellings, being situated in the foundations of the walls near the entrance. Their faces are modeled in bas-relief. Iconographically, they conform to the Ob Ugrian sculptural tradition. The analysis of the architectural context of the location of the statues and certain details suggests a secondary use. Initially, they might have belonged to the frame supporting the roof. The statues are made of Siberian larch (Larix sibirica Ledeb.). The dendrochronological analysis has allowed us to estimate the date when the trees were felled—the late 17th century. A retrospective analysis of data on the ritual art of the northern Khanty and Mansi suggests an interpretation of the Voikary statues in comparing them with wooden sculptures representing menkvs—forest spirits. Thus, their ritual role was mostly to protect the home.

We present the results of aerial photographic and magnetometric studies at Aul-Koshkul-1, a group of mounds in the Baraba forest-steppe. Photogrammetry proved highly efficient for constructing orthophotographic plans and digital models of outward features at archaeological sites. Data were processed with an original approach, generating a map of relative heights, decreasing the effect of natural relief and highlighting altitudinal anomalies of an anthropogenic origin. Aerial photography is highly efficient for revealing archaeological features that are hard to locate by visual analysis of the surface (mounds destroyed by tillage, shallow ditches, etc.). Orthophotographic plans constructed by aerial photography in oblique sun rays at sunset present the most contrastive representations. Aerial magnetometry revealed most mounds at Aul-Koshkul-1, although the site was surveyed with minimal accuracy because magnetic anomalies caused by archaeological features were rare. Our multidisciplinary study yielded new information about the mounds previously registered by ground-based magnetometry, and discovered new features, leading to a revision of the cemetery’s reconstructed boundaries and composition. The study demonstrates the great potential of a joint use of aerial magnetometry and aerial photography for locating and studying archaeological sites at a new, sophisticated level.

The study explores social and climatic factors affecting the occurrence of chronic maxillary sinusitis (CMS) in ancient and historical samples of Europe, North and South America, Asia, and Africa. The main database consists of 23 cranial samples. According to the results of univariate (correlation analysis and Wilcoxon-Mann-Whitney test) and multivariate (principal component) analyses, only climatic factors reveal a statistically significant effect on the frequency of CMS. The principal factor is temperature, which shows a negative correlation with CMS at the world level: the higher the mean annual temperature and the maximal temperature of the three hottest months, the lower the occurrence. At the regional level, significant correlation was also found between CMS and the number of rainy days per year. Rather than direct dependence, however, this result suggests that the correlation between climatic variables is different in Europe and North America. None of the socio-economic factors that we analyzed (sex, urban versus rural residence, subsistence strategy) demonstrated significant correlation with the prevalence of CMS at the world level. Assessing the effect of social status evaluated by archaeological criteria was impossible because of the complex nature of stress-inducing factors.