This paper presents new findings from field studies at Aktas, an Upper Paleolithic site first excavated in 1982 and 1983. It is located in North Kazakhstan, where Paleolithic sites are quite rare. We describe the stratigraphy, paleontology, archaeology, and chronology of Aktas. Six lithological layers are distinguished, two of which (3 and 4) abound in faunal remains. Chronology was generated from a new series of OSL-ages. The accumulation of layer 2 took place between ca 20–12 ka ago, whereas layers 3 and 4 were formed ca 50–30 ka ago. A side-scraper, made of imported flint, was found. The bulk of the faunal complex relates to large ungulates such as Pleistocene horse (Equus ferus), woolly rhinoceros (Coelodonta antiquitatis), and mountain sheep (Ovis ammon). Some bones bear traces of deliberate fragmentation and dismemberment using stone tools. These facts, along with the taphocenotic indicators (species composition, absence of traces of predator activity, etc.), as well as the location and stratigraphy of the site, allow us to conclude that the faunal assemblages at this location are anthropogenic. Traces of human occupation are scarce, suggesting that Aktas is an “ephemeral” site, attesting to human presence in that territory during the Late Pleistocene, but revealing no cultural indicators. The findings picture Aktas as a kill-site—the place where the prey was butchered and consumed. This is the only such site known in the area to date. The number of lithics is too small for cultural attribution. However, the estimated age suggests that North Kazakhstan was peopled as early as the beginning of MIS3, corresponding to the early stages of the Upper Paleolithic.

We describe new findings relating to Neolithic burials at two cemeteries in the Northern Angara area, excavated in 2012 by the Boguchany archaeological expedition. The sites are located at the outlet of the Zelinda—the right tributary of the Angara. Two burials were revealed at Ust-Zelinda-1, and five at Ust-Zelinda-2. We describe preserved remains and the funerary rite, and analyze radiocarbon dates generated from the human bones. On the basis of archaeological parallels, we attribute certain burials to the Isakovo culture. Burial practices include the use of “ocher” and the supine position of the buried along the Angara, heads to the south, upstream of the site. Calibrated radiocarbon dates, details of the funerary rite, grave goods and their typological characteristics, as well as the placement of graves within the cemeteries, suggest that three chronological groups existed within the 7499–5583 cal BP (5550–3634 cal BC) interval. The 14C date of the third group (5718–5583 cal BP, or 3769–3634 cal BC), details of the funerary rite, and grave goods are indicative of the Late Neolithic (Isakovo culture of the Southern Angara). Burials of the second group, which is the best represented (7157–6555 cal BP, or 5208–4606 cal BC), resemble those of the classic Isakovo tradition. The burial (without grave goods) attributed to the fi rst chronological group dates to 7499–7317 cal BP, or 5550– 5368 cal BC. It is hypothesized that “proto-Isakovo” traditions originated on the Northern Angara, having later spread to the Southern Angara.

This study focuses on the Classic Samarra painted ware from the Standard Hassuna layer at Yarim Tepe I, in Northern Iraq. Two groups of imports are described. The first consists of Classic Samarra, apparently related to Central Mesopotamia; the second, of Samarra Ware imported from the west. It is hypothesized that the Samarra pottery was imported not only from the center to various parts of the periphery, but also from one part of the periphery to another. As a result of comparison of the ceramics, a hypothesis is proposed that Classic Samarra was formed based on a symbiosis of two earlier cultural groups: the Proto-Hassuna period in Northern Mesopotamia, and Neolithic traditions originating from Central Zagros.

We review the scholarship relating to the megalithic tradition of East and Southeast Asia and the results of its archaeological study. The major center of this tradition in East Asia is Korea, where it reveals considerable heterogeneity. In the Bronze Age, it is represented by dolmens and menhirs, and in the later periods by stone tombs, chambers, and pyramidal mounds. The latest megaliths are anthropomorphic statues of the Dolhareubang type, on Jeju Island off the southern tip of the Korean peninsula. Southeast Asian megaliths, which are described in detail, originate from similar structures in East and South Asia while being less known and less accurately dated, and revealing specific features of construction. Owing to the ethnographic sources on local peoples, Southeast Asian megaliths provide valuable data on their layout, function, and associated mythology. We demonstrate common features in megalithic traditions of East and Southeast Asia and their specificity in each region. Principal sources are described, and major trends in the study of megaliths in those territories are outlined. In sum, megaliths of East and Southeast Asia are an independent archaeological phenomenon requiring future studies.

This study focuses on the beginning of the Early Iron Age in the Far East. A revision of the published data indicates a lack of synchrony in the appearance of bronze artifacts in cultures of the Amur region and Primorye in the late 2nd to early 1st millennia BC. Iron and cast iron were widely distributed in the Urilsky and Yankovsky cultures. However, no such artifacts are known in contemporaneous cultures such as the Evoron, Siniy Gai, and Lidovka, which are attributed to the Bronze Age, whereas the earliest iron and cast iron artifacts of the Urilsky culture come from the western parts of the Amur basin. All known bronze artifacts of that culture were widely distributed during the Shang and Western Zhou stages, in Karasuk-type cultures of Southern Siberia and Central Asia of the late 2nd to early 1st millennia BC. In China, the earliest iron artifacts appeared between the 8th and 6th centuries BC, while in the provinces of eastern Liaoning and southwestern Jilin they appeared between the 4th and 1st centuries BC. Cast iron celts of the Yankovsky culture in Primorye, which in 1960s were dated to 1000–800 BC, are now believed to be no earlier than 400–200 BC, coinciding with the appearance of iron in Manchuria. It is concluded that in East Asia, iron and cast iron first appeared in the western Amur basin in 1100–900 BC.

We describe the findings of traceological analysis and experiments with bronze and iron tools used by Tagar and Tes artists. The pecking traces these tools leave on the red Devonian sandstone were examined to assess which of them could have been used in rock art production. At the first stage, a preliminary analysis of Tagar petroglyphs was carried out, and metal tools and weapons from the Martyanov Museum of Local History in Minusinsk were examined. Morphologically suitable ones were selected, and experimental tools were made of stone, copper alloys, and low-carbon steel. Experiments were conducted and samples of pecking traces were produced. The final stage of the work consisted of comparing these samples with actual petroglyphs, and use-wear traces on the experimental tools with those on the actual tools. This approach made a direct comparison possible. Among the Tagar and Tes metal tools, those that had likely been used in rock art production were detected. The conclusion was made that no specialized tools designated for that purpose existed at that time in the Minusinsk Basin. Rather, multifunctional tools were used. These were made of tin bronze and low-carbon steel with thermal processing. Such tools first appeared in the region in the Early Iron Age.

This article describes the findings of excavations of an Early Saka kurgan at Kyrykoba, Eastern Kazakhstan. The kurgan had been looted; human remains, according to physical anthropologists, belonged to a mature woman. Her cranium exhibited trepanation. Some 200 artifacts were found, mostly gold and stone ornaments (belt clips, gold seed beads, and simple beads). The most interesting find is a bimetallic pin made of iron. Its rod is missing; the tiny head, less the 1 cm in diameter, is covered with gold foil. On its surface, there is a figure of an ungulate with a curved antler, its body twisted 180°. This stylistic device in the depiction of ungulates and predators is typical of the Scythian-Siberian art of Kazakhstan and Western Siberia in 700–300 BC. Other rare finds include ornaments made from a cretaceous layer of oyster shells, such as pendants shaped as oval plates imitating tusks, or figurines of predatory animals— 20 pieces, ranging in size from 0.4 × 0.4 to 2.5 × 2.5 cm. Oyster shells with thick cretaceous layers had been procured from the coasts of the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. The beads and the animal figurine made from cretaceous layers of oyster shells are paralleled by those from an Early Scythian era burial at Gilevo-10, Altai. These artifacts indicate regional and intracontinental trade and cultural ties in Eastern Kazakhstan and Western Siberia, evidenced by similar technological traditions, images, compositions, and decorative motifs.

The oldest known inhabitants of Taşlıca (Bozburun Peninsula, in Southwestern Turkey), recorded as Phoinix in the inscriptions, were the Tloioi people. In the light of the ancient Greek corpus reported especially from the site of Fenaket (namely Rumevlek, forming the core of the dwelling zone) and the Classical wall ruins at the Acropolis, it is understood that the village has been systematically occupied since the 5th century BC. The settlement, which grew as a dominion of Kamiros as of the 3rd century BC, expanded its territory in the NE-SW axis over the centuries. Although Phoinix’s chess-board system of insulae of the megara offers parallels with Kamiros, owing to its Hellenistic-style plan and layout, it contains clues to far more ancient codes. In this study, besides being greatly equated with the Hellenistic period, Phoinix’s identity in the historical process, which gives indications of her Karianism, is discussed with the help of selective materials, basically authentic architecture tracked over the region. Apparently, the pyramidal monoliths were not unique to Phoinix; however, the Tloans, like the other neighboring komai on the mainland, seem to have managed to keep their traditions of communication with the “other world” through such features. Hence, these monoliths, which evoke the ziggurat morphology or the famous Mausoleum at Halicarnassus to connect to the afterworld, must have been the typical manifestations of the Karian mentality, sufficiently reflected by the aboriginal communities, however inevitably overshadowed by the grandest architectural projects of the Hekatomnid dynasty.

Previously, burials at Ryabchikov Klyuch-1 on the Kan River near Kansk were dated to the Late Middle Ages (pre-Russian period) and attributed to an autochthonous group. In 2015, two burials were discovered at the cemetery, with the remains of an adolescent girl and a child. A comprehensive analysis of the burial rite and grave goods suggests that the burials date to the 12th century. Numerous archaeological and ethnographic parallels were found. Morphologically, the girl’s cranium reveals generally eastern traits, specifically those common in Western Siberian (Uralic and Ob-Irtysh) populations. The cranium was restored, and a graphical reconstruction of the face was made. Burial practices of the 17th–19th century Middle Kan populations are described. They were Ket-speaking Kotts, Turkic-speaking Karagas, and Samoyed-speaking Kamasins. The analysis of sources suggests that the buried people were likely ancestors of the Kotts.

We describe a representative series of Chinese coins found during the excavations at Gorny-10, carried out by expeditions from Altai State University in 2000–2003. The coins were found in eight burials (No. 6, 18, 44–46, 48, 62, 66). Because of its composition and diversity, the sample is unusual for North and Inner Asia. It includes 29 specimens, relating to various groups. Apart from coins of the Wǔ-zhū and Kāi-yuán Tōng-bǎo types, which are rather common outside China, there are very rare ones belonging to the Cháng-píng Wǔ-zhū and Wǔ-xíng Dà-bù categories. A numismatic analysis allowed us to date separate burials and the entire cemetery. The lower date of most burials (No. 6, 45, 46, 48, 62, 66) cannot be earlier than AD 581, as evidenced by Sui coins of the Wǔ-zhū type. Burials 18 and 41, where Kāi-yuán Tōng-bǎo coins were found, are later than the 630s. In view of additional data (absence of late issues of Kāi-yuán Tōng-bǎo coins, and results of radiocarbon analysis), burials at Gorny-10 date to late 6th and 7th centuries. Notably, coins were found only in burials of women and children. Their locations suggest that they had been used as head ornaments and parts of belt sets, as well as pendants and amulets.

This article deals with the preservation of the Shakhty rock art site, discovered in the Eastern Pamirs in 1958 by the leading Central Asian Stone Age researcher V.A. Ranov. The analysis of photographs taken in the Shakhty rock shelter during the 2019 survey revealed the nature of destructive processes at the site due to environmental conditions of the Eastern Pamir highland. The article integrates the results of analysis of Ranov’s archives at the Donish Institute of History, Archaeology and Ethnography of the National Academy of Sciences, Republic of Tajikistan. Thanks to Ranov’s diaries and photographs, it was possible in 2019 to assess the degree of erosion on the rock surface, and the loss of fragments of painted images over more than 60 years. Emergency areas requiring conservation efforts were identified. Principles of conservation and restoration of rock art are outlined, and an overview of techniques developed for sites of this type in the post-Soviet space in the last quarter of the 20th century is presented. State of the art conservation methods for rock art, which, in the future, can be applied for the preservation of emergency areas at Shakhty, are described. A set of measures is suggested to preserve this site.

In cultural terms, as compared to many other Russian groups, the South Russian (Kursk) settlers of Siberia in the late 19th to early 20th centuries were a distinct group, having their own traditional culture but usually no compact settlements. In this work, for the first time, on the basis of the State Archive of the Kursk Region, the ethno-cultural composition of Siberian settlers from that region is examined. Attitudes of South Russian peasants of the post-Reform era to migration are analyzed, reasons underlying their “wanderlust” and their reflection about relocation and ethnic identity are explored. Documents at the State Archive of the Tomsk Region, and the findings of my fi eld studies in 2014– 2018 pertaining to the Siberian stage in the history of Russian “Yuzhaks” (Southerners) suggest that their priority was to live side by side with Ukrainian settlers, as they had used to do in their homeland. The reason is that the key role in the early 20th century migrations was played by Russian-Ukrainian frontiersmen—people of “no man’s land”. At the time of migration to Siberia, those living in the southern Kursk Governorate were Russian Old Believers, Southern Russians, Belarusians, Ukrainians (Little Russians), Russian Cossacks, and “Cherkassians” (Ukrainian Cossacks). The latter preferred to live apart from others, even within a single village. Archival documents and findings of field studies in the Anzhero-Sudzhensky District of the Kemerovo Region, and in the Topchikhinsky and Kulundinsky Districts of the Altai Territory demonstrate that Southern Russians were situationally identical to Ukrainians, as evidenced, for instance, by the frequent shift of surname endings from “-ko” and “-k” to “-ov” and vice versa, depending on migration plans. A conclusion is made that the ethnic diversity of migrants from the Kursk Governorate, the situational equivalence of Eastern Slavic groups in Siberia, as well as marriages with Russian old residents and Ukrainians, were key factors in the formation of local Siberian variants of the South Russian culture.

We describe a likely case of chronic maxillary sinusitis (CMS) in a Neanderthal skeletal sample from Chagyrskaya Cave, in the Altai Mountains. Signs of CMS were recorded in the Chagyrskaya 57 specimen, which is a fragment of a left maxilla. Alveoli of the upper fi rst molar are partially preserved, and so are the second and third upper molars, with adjacent parts of the walls, and the fl oor of the maxillary sinus. The fragment was found in layer 6b, dating to 53,100–51,100 BP. We analyze the factors that had caused the development of the disease, and assess its etiology. In the 3D-model, generated by computed microtomography, and in the original specimen, porotic changes were registered, situated at the fracture line of the alveoli of M1, lost post-mortem, and near the vestibular roots of both preserved molars. Also, there were isolated bone spicules, 1.0–2.6 mm in size. These signs indicate incipient CMS, evidently caused by chronic periodontal disease combined with a deep alveolar recess of the maxillary sinus. As the periodontal gap expanded, several small nutrient foramina, piercing the bottom of the sinus, merged. As a result, several oro-antral channels formed, whereupon the infection spread into the maxillary sinus. Since the deep alveolar recess is observed in the vast majority of Neanderthal crania with published images or reconstructed maxillary cavities, it can be assumed that Neanderthals were predisposed to odontogenic CMS.

The study of artificially deformed crania is complicated by difficulties in analyzing curvilinear shapes without reliable reference points for measurement. Methods of geometric morphometrics (GM) help to solve this problem. We generated 3D-models of deformed crania (26 male and 19 female) from burials of different chronological periods of the Okunev archaeological culture (Verkhniy Askiz I, Uybat III and V, Uybat-Charkov, Itkol I and II), Southern Siberia (2600–1700 BC). Using the Landmark IDAV software, each model was transformed into a set of six traditional craniometric landmarks and 450 semi-landmarks regularly distributed over the entire surface of the braincase. For further processing with the Procrustes and principal component analysis, functions of several R-packages (Morpho, Geomorph, and Arothron) were employed. Crania from early Okunev burials were found to have a small deformed area around lambda, spanning the posterior parts of parietal bones and the upper part of the occipital squama. In crania from later Okunev burials, the deformation extends on the parietal area, causing the reduction of cranial height owing to a lesser curvature of the parietal segment. The lateral walls of the braincase, the frontal squama, and the lower part of the occipital squama in such crania are more convex.

This dental study addresses the origin of the Bolshaya Rechka people in the Novosibirsk region of the Ob, with reference to the migration of Saka and Sarmatian tribes from the southwest. I compare dental features of southern Kamen and northern Bolshaya Rechka populations inhabiting the entire Upper Ob area. Dental samples from eleven Bolshaya Rechka cemeteries were studied. Findings indicate heterogeneity. Nearly all samples evidence admixture between eastern and western groups. That from Bystrovka-3 takes a separate position, revealing more eastern traits along with those marking the Southern Siberian Upper Paleolithic complex. The results enable us to evaluate the role of Saka and Sarmatian migrants from Kazakhstan, Cis-Urals, and Tian Shan. This role appears to have been relatively minor and likely indirect, upholding the ideas advanced by archaeologists. Bolshaya Rechka and Kamen populations (the latter culture was thought to include the former) are biologically distinct. Bolshaya Rechka displays continuity with local Early Bronze Age groups. The main component of the Kamen population of forest-steppe Altai, on the other hand, was introduced by Saka and Sarmatian immigrants, who, evidently, had not reached the Novosibirsk region of the Ob. Rather than moving on northwards along the Ob from the forest-steppe Altai, they turned west, toward the Tobol-Irtysh watershed.